Libérate de las Autolimitaciones (Spanish Edition)

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I think that most of the research I do can perhaps sometimes say some useful things, but only things that are related to the modesty of the research itself. They might help people make sense of the social practices in which they are engaged. But always starting points, or partial views, temporary possibilities for thought and for action.

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And again, of course, you could say that is inspired by reading too much Foucault. He said at some point, when somebody asked him a similar question, his response was to say that my work, he said, is like a series of abutments, or strings of dots - strategic knowledge. And I am very happy to make the same sort of claim. I always feel that when I get to the end of a piece of research, I know what the good questions are, rather than having any sense of what the answers are.

Can you map the key aspects of your theoretical take on policy making? I don't feel that I have a coherent set of ideas or concepts that I developed which are now out there, firmly established, ready to be used, which others can then draw upon. I see myself as having trialed a set of ideas that may have some leverage in terms of making sense of policy. From my point of view, a really good thing is that some people have been able to use that leverage and been able to make use of some of the things I have trialed and explored to develop their own analysis — to move things on.

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I suppose there are three things in particular: one is this heuristic separation between text and discourse, which I wrote about in the s [4] , and I just revised in a paper 21 years on [5]. In that I was trying to explore this dual epistemology, which I talked about previously. I wanted to think about interpretation and discourse, I wanted to try and think about the difference between positioning the subject in the center of meaning as an interpretive actor, somebody who is an active sense maker, an active translator of the social world; over and against a view of them as a subject produced by discourse, who is spoken by discourse, rather than a speaker of discourse.

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And I wanted to use this heuristic binary to make problematic the way in which in policy analysis we talk about policy makers, or policy actors. So that is one thing. I suppose the other thing is the notion of the policy cycle, which was something that originally came out of the work I was doing with Richard Bowe [6].

We were thinking about policy and trying to build an idea of policy trajectories. To think about policy not as a document, or as thing, as a social entity which moves through space and changes as it moves, and changes things as it moves, changes the spaces it moves through: so it is changed by and it changes things. So we talked about contexts of policy: the context of influence, the context of text production and context of practice.

Which, again, is very much a rough heuristic, but it draws attention to the way in which policies are different things in those different contexts. That work is being done on, around, with and in relation to policy in those different contexts, and different sorts of people are working on and in relation to policy in those different sorts of contexts. And the questions therefore we need to ask as policy researchers depend on the contexts we are looking at, or the position we take in terms of the questions we ask about policy.

Are we interested in its trajectory, or are we interested in policy simply in one point in its trajectory? Are we interested in texts or action? So again, it was trying to create problems for policy research, in the same way text and discourse was meant to create problems, which then people have to think about. So the policy cycle is meant to create problems that people have to deal with.

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And then the third thing comes out of the relationship between text and action which is the idea of policy enactment. And policy enactment is again an attempt to escape from the confines of nice, neat and tidy modernist theorizing, focused particularly around the notion of implementation. And I wanted to erase implementation from the language of policy research; to make it a pariah because of the epistemological, empirical and theoretical assumptions that it carries with it. What I wanted to do was to replace that with the notion of enactment and to see enactment both as a creative process, from which we should expect that what comes out of the process of enactment is something different from that which is written in text, on the one hand.

But also, on the other hand, to recognize that enactment is in part produced discursively, that the possibilities of acting towards, thinking about, speaking about policy are actually articulated within the limits of certain discursive possibilities. So at the same time, it was an attempt to liberate the policy actor as this creative agent of policy production, policy creativity, but to recognize the extent to which those possibilities of creativity were at least some of the time constructed elsewhere, within discourse.

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Enactment is local, contingent and sometimes fragile. Could you identify its key aspects?

In which ways do you think your perspective could contribute to policy studies? What is "new" in this approach?

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What are the risks of translating this perspective to other contexts? Policy always has to be reconstructed and recreated in relation to context. With the confidence that comes with inexperience, we pressed on to a strategic level game covering the multiple struggles for liberation in the countries of Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, and Uruguay. This presented significant challenges of historical research.

We could say with confidence how many men were present for duty in the battle of Chacabuco in the Cazadores de los Andes battalion. Measuring the potential for raising patriot formations in each of the territories that the Junta in Buenos Ares might control is a different challenge. Keith tapped into his academic contacts in the area of Latin American history. Many books and a couple of trips to the Library of Congress later, we had a good estimation.

Now, we just had to turn it into an interesting game. Many folks helped us along the way explaining the process of publishing a game. Jack Greene reviewed Liberatadores and put us in contact with the graphic artist, Larry Hoffman.

Of course, Randy Lein of Legion War Games took a chance on this crazy idea from two people he never met before. This Ecozoic era represents a restoration of the planet through a relationship of caring, respect and reverence, towards the magnificent gift of the living Earth. The economy should not seek accumulation, but what is enough for everyone, so that the Earth may replace her nutrients.

The future of the Earth does not come from heaven, but from the decisions we take to remain in consonance with the rhythms of nature and the Universe. I quote Swimme:. The future will be decided either by those who are committed to the Technozoic --a future of increasing exploitation of the Earth as a resource, all for the benefit of humans-- or by those committed to the Ecozoic, a new mode of relating with the Earth, where the well being of the Earth and the entire community of terrestrial life is the principal interest p.

If the Ecozoic does not triumph, we will probably experience a catastrophe, this time produced by the Earth herself, to liberate herself from one of her creatures, that violently occupied everything, threatening all other species, species that, because they have the same origins and the same genetic building blocks, are her brothers and sisters, which is not acknowledged, resulting in their abuse, and even murder. We must deserve our survival on this planet. But that depends on having an amicable relationship with nature and life; and on a profound transformation of our forms of living.

This is the crossroads of our time: either to change or to disappear. Part Two is "Government Strikes Back". Users in different places with widely varying cultures and preferences want information presented in their local language and context, the authors explain. Governments use a number of techniques to pressure or control local intermediaries to restrict Internet content that a majority of its citizens find unacceptable, such as the sale of Nazi paraphenelia in France.


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Of course, bad government begets bad policy: the authors tell us how China uses its powers of censorship to block dissent and publishes propaganda that cultivates a virulent form of nationalism. Yet, the authors illustrate how good government can work by showing how the contest in the U. Part Three is "Vice, Virtues, the Future". The authors present an interesting case study about eBay and its founder's idealistic faith in the inherent goodness of the Internet community; we learn that when the company found its business model severely challenged by fraud, a resolution to the crisis was made workable with the assistance of local law enforcement.

According to the authors, eBay, the case of an Australian libel lawsuit against a U. They argue convincingly that as a communications medium, the Internet is not unlike other technologies that have come before and therefore the Internet is not likely to displace territorial government. Comments: This product was introduced to us by the creator and we were a little weary. But now after extensive use the product has blown us away. We are even using elements we did not think we need. Pros: We have greatly reduced our admin headache and have finally found a holiday and whereabouts tracker that works!

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